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21 December
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札记:孤寂百年

孤寂百年: 中国现代知识分子十二论
雷颐

导论

知识分子是一群受过相当教育,对现状持批判态度和反抗精神的人。

第一章

中国首位耶鲁毕业生容闳:予意以为予之一身,既受此文明之教育,则当使后予之人,亦享此同等之利益。以西方之学术,灌输于中国,使中国日趋于文明富强之境。

第二章

梁启超:地者积人而成,国者积权而立,故全权之国强,缺权之国殃,无权之国亡。何谓全权?国人各行其固有之权。何谓缺权?国人有有权者,有不能自有其权者。何谓无权?不知权之所在也。

陈独秀:
我们爱的是国家为人民谋幸福的国家,不是人民为国家做牺牲的国家。

没有大众的政治参与,即使政府颁布宪法,也只是徒有其表,政治不会有实质性进步:
当知各国之颁宪法、开国会也,非其主权者之能颁、能开焉,而其主权者之不能不颁、不能不开焉。
然必国民能确认政治为于己身有极重极切之关系,然后其监督政府也能不怠,而政府乃不敢反于民之所欲以自恣,斯良政治于以发生。

宋教仁:政府欲保威信之不过坠,则何不先去其自损威信之举动?且政府与人民孰重?政府之威信与人民之元气孰重?牺牲人民以卫政府,天下庸有是理耶?

当一个国家的国民,至少是对政治起导向性作用的精英,都接受一种新的国家观,而这个国家的“政权”仍坚持传统的国家观时,这个政权就面临着严重的“合法性危机”。

第三章

蔡元培关于中国哲学发展的滞障因素分析:1、无自然科学为基础,2、缺乏逻辑学作为思想的工具和规则,3、与政治宗教等学说融为一体,未分离成独立学科,4、缺乏异国学说以资比较、刺激。

第四章

胡适提倡“整理国故”,其主旨是为现代科学在中国寻根,证明中国并非自外于世界普世价值,为中国文化与世界文化接轨而努力;而当今中共政府所倡导的“国学热”,其主旨是强调、证明中国文明、文化的“特殊性”,为其与普世价值悖离的政权增加合法性。

第五章
丁文江:中国的问题要想解决非得书生与流氓配合起来不可。

丁文江致胡适:你们的文学革命、思想改革、文化建设,都禁不起腐败政治的摧残。良好的政治是一切和平的社会改善的必要条件。

 
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