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06 October
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札记:中国文化的深层结构

孙隆基
中信出版集团
中国历史上,每一次“动”都不是一次进步,而是一场“乱”。在深层结构的意义上,是天下大乱之后对结构稳定的回归,使得深层结构的形态更为稳定,呈现超稳定体系。

中国式的社会基本如孙中山所说是一盘散沙,如果不由国家组织,就会呈现各自为政,各人自扫门前雪,只谋一口饭吃,对政治完全冷感。
海外的华人社群可以说是中国老百姓传统的最佳样本。最好不要选新加坡这种具有华人统治的社群,而是选择像香港(本书成书于港英时期)、东南亚甚至美国那种在外国人统治下的华人社群。基本说来,这类社群呈现出来的倾向是:只谋搵食与安身,对政治完全冷感。统治者的存在与否,确也正如《老子》所说:太上,不知有之。
反右至文革期间,惯以“类型化”制造莫须有罪名:思想不同就是“反社会主义”“反人民”;也信仰马列主义但与官方不同就是“托派”;与外国人有过接触或者由海外归国定居就是“美蒋特务”。
台湾的每个城市都有中正路、中山路和中华路,最漂亮的总是中正路,其次是中山路,中华路往往处于最暗最烂之列。
共和源自拉丁语respublica,意即公众publica事务res;政治politics则源自希腊语城邦polis,意即城邦事务。
在传统中国,礼部既是外交部,也是主办科举考试的教育部以及负责祭祀的宗教部。这说明中国把天地秩序、帝国秩序和外交秩序的维系都作为“礼”的功能,合乎礼者才能进入体制,才能进入外交范畴,而“礼之用,和为贵”。
秩序之外的东西不被承认。犯上作乱者为匪,匪者,非也,表明不受承认;非我族类为夷,《老子》:视之不见名曰夷。匪和夷都不受正统秩序承认,其对抗性行为,合称“匪夷所思”。
部分中国妇女将西方妇女视为娼妓,因为她们婚前发生性关系;而一些西方妇女则认为,以自己的身体换取“安身”的行径才是娼妓——这么一来,许多中国妇女反而中枪了。
设想有一个包办一切的中央委员会,其成员全部是男性的老人,又全部是新教背景的白种人,我们又如何能够要求他们代表女性、年轻人、其他种族与宗教呢?
红色中国的内生性制度障碍,促使毛泽东等人诉诸不断斗争与对抗的办法,一方面扫除阻碍社会前进的政策与干部(当然这只是治标不治本),一方面转移群众视线维护政权稳定。这种“不断革命”的做法逐渐丧失人心,“顾全大局”的美誉则归于周邓等人,造成文革后“民心”的回归。
国际共产主义运动后期蜕变为苏联的大俄罗斯主义工具,势必造成中苏的决裂,并激起中国的本位主义,直至中国人把自己当作全世界的救世主,形成了文革期间与全世界对立的极端排外之举。
 
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