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传阅:华盛顿邮报社论:选拜登当总统

译:新约客

为了驱逐当代最糟糕的总统,许多选民可能愿意投票给几乎所有人。

幸运的是,要想在2020年推翻川普总统,选民们不必降低自己的标准。民主党总统候选人、前副总统拜登的性格和经验使他特别有资格迎接未来四年这个国家将面临的严峻挑战。

这些挑战在不同程度上是由现任总统造成、加剧或忽视的:在这个国家,新冠疫情造成的死亡人数比世界上任何其他地方都要多;不平等和种族差距不断扩大;21世纪高科技威权主义在世界上抬头,而民主正在退却;由于人类造成的气候变化,地球处于危险之中。

所有这些问题的背后都有一个问题,美国的民主是否有能力再应对哪怕只是一个这样的挑战,遑论一系列的挑战了。这里是川普先生造成损害最大的地方,也是拜登先生在当下几乎独一无二的位置。他将恢复美国政府的尊严,荣誉和能力。

与川普先生的自恋形成鲜明对比的是,拜登先生具有深厚的同情心;你无法想象他将受伤或阵亡士兵视为 “废物”(loser)。对于川普先生的犬儒主义,拜登先生带来了信仰——是的,是宗教信仰,但也是对美国价值观和潜力的信仰。

拜登没有像川普一样贬低和妖魔化对手和盟友,而是提供了一个寻找共识的深刻承诺,为使政府为最大多数人工作而服务。他已经在“越过过道”(across the aisle,通常指一党成员投票支持另一党支持而本党普遍反对的立法。本文指超越党争。“过道”一词来自美国国会。在参议院中,座位在室内呈半圆形排列,中间被一条宽阔的中央过道分割开来。按照传统,民主党人坐在中央过道的右侧,而共和党人坐在左侧。译者注)与共和党人的接触中展示了这种承诺,而且——最近——在不损害他自己的基本信念的情况下为民主党带来团结。

一个有说服力的例子是,2017年,共和党参议员约翰·麦凯恩去世前一年,在国家宪法中心被授予自由勋章,他曾请拜登做演讲。在那次会议上,麦凯恩回忆了他们在参议院共同服务的经历,拜登先生作为司法委员会和外交关系委员会主席留下了成就不凡的记录。

麦凯恩说:“我们并不总是意见一致。我们经常争论,有时还很激烈。但我们相信彼此的爱国主义和彼此信念的真诚……”

麦凯恩继续说道:“我们相信,我们有共同的责任帮助这个地方运转,并合作寻找解决我们国家问题的办法。我们相信我们的国家,相信我们的国家对于国际和平与稳定以及人类的进步是不可或缺的。”

川普先生的负面例子已经表明,在一个总统身上,正派、同情心和对其他人类的尊重是多么重要。而拜登先生,在每一方面都有深厚蕴藏。

但仅有这些品质仍然不够。一位总统还需要有韧性、执政经验和良好的判断力。

拜登先生具备这些条件吗?今年的竞选活动提供了有力的证据。

拜登先生与大约20名有志之士较量,其中许多人被认为是冉冉升起的新星。而对于他过去失败的竞选活动更是喋喋不休,他在爱荷华州名列第四,在新罕布什尔州名列第五。他几乎没有竞选资金,几乎没有工作人员。如果你相信许多权威的话,他根本没有机会。

拜登不相信那些权威。他坚持他的比赛计划,把他的战斗带到了南卡罗来纳,并且赢得了胜利——在那里,然后在超级星期二几乎所有的地方。在击败参议员伯尼·桑德斯的过程中,他表明这个政党并没有像一些人所说的那样极度向左偏移——这也是川普继续,毫无根据地,宣称的。

拜登随后监督了副总统的遴选过程,这个过程没有泄露消息,也没有发生不必要的戏剧性事件。他选择了事后几乎所有人都认为最合格的女性作为合作伙伴,加州参议员卡玛拉·哈里斯。拜登把她在初选期间对他的尖锐攻击放在了一边。拜登先生做出了示范,他将基于功绩而非恩怨来治理国家。

所有这些都预示着拜登先生的总统任期是美好的,但很显然,选民不必仅凭今年的表现来做出判断。拜登先生的经验之井要深得多。

如果拜登在疫情第二波暴发之际宣誓就职,在经济陷入混乱的情况下,这很有可能,我们可以相信,拜登先生将临危不乱,成功应对。为什么这样说?因为当巴拉克•奥巴马总统和他在2009年就职时,美国正处于类似的令人恐惧的混乱之中。奥巴马相信他的副总统会与国会合作,提出一个两党都认同的复苏计划,然后帮助管理这个计划,帮助拯救美国的汽车工业和更广泛的经济。

在这个周期中,拜登先生的能力和荣誉比在任何特定问题上的任何特定立场都更为重要。

而在这些问题上,拜登先生也为这个国家提供了一个值得欢迎的积极愿景。这一愿景既驳斥了川普对拜登“社会主义者”的荒谬诽谤,也驳斥了一些左翼人士对拜登只想恢复川普之前现状的担忧。

这种诽谤并不令人惊讶。川普在第一任期内几乎没有成就,对于第二任期也没有议程,他注定要进行一场负面的、不诚实的竞选。但事实上,拜登并没有屈服于其党内极左派的意愿。

与此同时,今天的世界已经与2008年大不相同——来自中国的挑战更加严峻,气候变化的威胁也更加迫在眉睫——拜登先生已经据此制定了他的议程。

在气候变化问题上,川普诋毁科学家,对人类面临严重威胁的警告不屑一顾,就像他应对新冠病毒时的所为一样。拜登先生明白,对于国家或世界的长期繁荣,没有任何问题比这更根本。

他将把它作为其政府的一个优先事项。然而,他抵制了来自左派更强烈的声音,拒绝利用气候紧急情况来为大规模、不相关的计划做辩护,例如全民联邦就业保障或单一支付人医保。相反,他为正确的目标——到本世纪中叶使国家实现碳中和——提供了一个可靠的计划。

同样,拜登也为当下制定了一个雄心勃勃、具有改革思想的刑事司法议程。他将制定使用武力的最低标准,并将有意义的警察改革作为联邦资金的条件。他提议的200亿美元竞争性拨款计划,将激励各州和地方将资金从监禁转移到预防犯罪上来。

拜登不仅不会拥抱社会主义,反而会更好地把美国定位为中国的资本主义竞争对手。他会通过以下方式来实现这一目标:撤销川普最不靠谱的向上倾斜的减税政策;加大对教育和研究的投资;与盟国开展贸易合作,而不是向韩国、欧洲和加拿大狂收关税;再次使美国成为被全世界最聪明的科学家和潜在企业家欢迎的目的地。

在外交政策方面,拜登先生提供了一个与川普政府不同的巨大的积极变化,他承诺重建美国的长期盟友和被川普先生蓄意破坏的全球领导地位。

拜登先生正确地指出,“民主和自由主义”打败 “法西斯主义和专制”的斗争尚未结束,但“将决定我们的未来”。他写道,“民主正面临着自上世纪30年代以来的最大压力” —— 而川普“似乎站在了另一个阵营,一边听专制者的话,一边对民主人士表示蔑视”。拜登将召开 “民主峰会”,团结民主国家,“”打击腐败,抵御专制,推进人权”。他将重建与北约国家的关系,帮助他们加强对俄罗斯的防御。他将结束川普对弗拉基米尔·普京的绥靖,以及对沙特阿拉伯等阿拉伯独裁国家的纵容。

拜登对美国的实力及其局限性有着清醒的认识;像川普一样,他也谈到要停止“无休止的战争”,将美国军队从中东撤回。但拜登拒绝川普先生自食恶果的“美国优先”原则,将重返与其他国家合作应对全球挑战。他将重新加入关于气候变化的巴黎协定,并寻求恢复与伊朗的核协议。他将扭转川普先生毫无意义地退出世界卫生组织的做法,并承诺美国致力于抗击新冠疫情的多边努力。

两人之间最大的政策差异将体现在如何应对未来几年可能对我国形成最大外交挑战的中国。拜登和川普先生都声言将对北京更为“强硬”,遏制其重商主义、技术盗窃和对南海的扩张性声索。然而,拜登先生的做法将以价值观为基础,而非反复无常和交易性的。他将与盟友合作,对抗中国的霸凌行为,同时在利益一致的地方寻求合作,例如在气候变化和健康安全方面。

拜登先生的外交政策也为他的技术政策提供了启示。他会站在这个国家的信仰自由和开放的信念上,反对中国式的监控集权制度,他会努力清除俄罗斯和其他国家对选举的干预,而不是否认这种干预的存在。拜登先生承诺在反垄断执法中对所谓的大型科技公司采取比其前任更强硬的立场——但他这样做会基于法律与证据,而不是心血来潮和曲意偏袒。

无论是在国内还是在世界各地,民主都处于危险之中。这个国家迫切需要一位尊重公众利益、坚持法治、承认国会的宪法作用、为公共利益而非个人利益而工作的总统。

同样地,它也迫切需要一位有专业知识和经验的总统,以证明价值观和结果可以并存。

我们很幸运,有乔·拜登这样一位候选人,能够领导一届既光荣又成功的政府。

Joe Biden for president
Opinion by the Editorial Board
SEPTEMBER 28, 2020

In order to expel the worst president of modern times, many voters might be willing to vote for almost anybody.

Fortunately, to oust President Trump in 2020, voters do not have to lower their standards. The Democratic nominee, former vice president Joe Biden, is exceptionally well-qualified, by character and experience, to meet the daunting challenges that the nation will face over the coming four years.

Those challenges have been, to varying degrees, created, exacerbated or neglected by the incumbent: the covid-19 pandemic, which has claimed more lives in this country than anywhere else in the world; rising inequality and racial disparities; a 21st-century, high-tech authoritarianism ascendant in the world, with democracy in retreat; a planet at risk due to human-caused climate change.

Underlying them all is the question of whether U.S. democracy is any longer capable of meeting even one such challenge, let alone a host of them. Here is where Mr. Trump has done the most damage — and where Mr. Biden is almost uniquely positioned for the moment. He would restore decency, honor and competence to America’s government.

In contrast to Mr. Trump’s narcissism, Mr. Biden is deeply empathetic; you can’t imagine him dismissing wounded or fallen soldiers as “losers.” To Mr. Trump’s cynicism, Mr. Biden brings faith — religious faith, yes, but also faith in American values and potential.

In place of Mr. Trump’s belittling and demonizing of opponents and allies alike, Mr. Biden offers a deep commitment to finding common ground in service to making government work for the greatest number. He has demonstrated that commitment in reaching across the aisle to Republicans, and also — most recently — in bringing unity to the Democratic Party without compromising his own fundamental convictions.

It is telling that when Sen. John McCain, a Republican, was awarded the Liberty Medal at the National Constitution Center in 2017, the year before his death, he asked Mr. Biden to make the presentation. On that occasion, McCain recalled their service together in the Senate, where Mr. Biden built a record of accomplishment as chair of the Judiciary and Foreign Relations Committees.

“We didn’t always agree on the issues,” McCain said. “We often argued — sometimes passionately. But we believed in each other’s patriotism and the sincerity of each other’s convictions.…

“We believed in our mutual responsibility to help make the place work and to cooperate in finding solutions to our country’s problems,” McCain continued. “We believed in our country and in our country’s indispensability to international peace and stability, and to the progress of humanity.”

Mr. Trump’s negative example has demonstrated how essential in a president are decency, empathy and respect for other human beings. Mr. Biden brings deep reservoirs of each.

But those qualities are not sufficient. A president also needs toughness, governing experience and good judgment.

Does Mr. Biden have what it takes? This year’s campaign offers telling evidence.

Mr. Biden took on some 20 aspirants, many of them considered to be rising stars. To considerable chatter about his past failed campaigns, he finished fourth in Iowa and fifth in New Hampshire. He had almost no campaign money, little staff and, if you believed many of the pundits, no chance.

Mr. Biden didn’t believe the pundits. He stuck to his game plan, took his fight to South Carolina and won — there, and then almost everywhere on Super Tuesday. In defeating Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), he showed that the party hadn’t moved as far left as some were saying — and as Mr. Trump continues, baselessly, to allege.

Mr. Biden then oversaw a vice-presidential selection process that was free of leaks and unnecessary drama. He chose as partner the woman who, after the fact, almost everyone agreed was the most qualified, Sen. Kamala D. Harris of California. In setting aside her stinging attacks on him during the primary contest, Mr. Biden showed that he will govern based on merit, not grudge.

All of that bodes well for a Biden presidency, but obviously voters do not have to judge by this year’s performance alone. Mr. Biden’s well of experience is far deeper.

If he takes the oath in the midst of the pandemic’s second wave, as is quite possible, with the economy in a tailspin, we can be confident Mr. Biden will rise to the occasion. Why? Because when President Barack Obama and he took office in 2009, the nation was in a similarly frightening tailspin. Mr. Obama trusted his vice president to work with Congress to deliver a bipartisan recovery package and then to help administer it, helping save America’s auto industry and the economy more broadly.

Mr. Biden’s competence and honor are more important in this cycle than any particular stand on any particular issue.

But on the issues, too, Mr. Biden offers the nation a welcome, positive vision. It is a vision that refutes both Mr. Trump’s preposterous slander of Mr. Biden as a “socialist” and the fears of some on the left that Mr. Biden is aiming only at a restoration of the pre-Trump status quo.

The slander is not surprising. Mr. Trump — with few accomplishments in his first term and no agenda for his second — was bound to run a negative, dishonest campaign. But in fact Mr. Biden has not succumbed to the wishes of the far left of his party.

At the same time, the world is very different today than it was in 2008 — the challenge from China sharper, the menace of climate change more imminent — and Mr. Biden has shaped his agenda accordingly.

On climate change, where Mr. Trump denigrates scientists and dismisses warnings about a grave threat to humanity, just as he did with covid-19, Mr. Biden understands that no issue is more fundamental to the long-term prosperity of the nation or the world.

He would make it a priority of his administration. Yet, resisting more strident voices on the left, he has declined to use the climate emergency to justify massive, unrelated programs, such as universal federal job guarantees or single-payer health care. Instead, he offers a credible plan for the right goal — making the country carbon-neutral by mid-century.

Mr. Biden similarly has shaped an ambitious and reform-minded criminal justice agenda for today’s world. He would set minimum standards for use of force and condition federal funding on meaningful police reforms. His proposed $20 billion competitive grant program would incentivize states and localities to shift dollars from incarceration to crime prevention.

Far from embracing socialism, Mr. Biden would better position the United States as a capitalist competitor to China. He would do so by rolling back the least defensible of Mr. Trump’s upwardly skewed tax cuts and investing more in education and research; cooperating on trade with allies, rather than spraying tariffs at South Korea, Europe and Canada; and once again making the United States a welcoming destination for the brightest scientists and potential entrepreneurs around the world.

On foreign policy, Mr. Biden offers an enormously positive change from the Trump administration, simply by promising to rebuild long-standing U.S. alliances and the global leadership that Mr. Trump has willfully disrupted.

Mr. Biden rightly observes that the struggle “of democracy and liberalism” to defeat “fascism and autocracy” is not over, but “will define our future.” “Democracy” he has written, “is under more pressure than at any time since the 1930s” — and Mr. Trump “seems to be on the other team, taking the word of autocrats while showing disdain for democrats.” Mr. Biden would convene a “Summit for Democracy” to unite democracies in “fighting corruption, defending against authoritarianism and advancing human rights.” He would rebuild relations with NATO countries and help them stiffen defenses against Russia. He would end Mr. Trump’s appeasement of Russian President Vladimir Putin and coddling of Arab dictatorships such as Saudi Arabia.

Mr. Biden has a sober view of American power and its limitations; like Mr. Trump he speaks of stopping “endless wars” and bringing U.S. military forces home from the Middle East. But Mr. Biden rejects Mr. Trump’s self-defeating “America first” principle and would return to tackling global challenges in partnership with other nations. He would rejoin the Paris accord on climate change and seek to revive the nuclear deal with Iran. He would reverse Mr. Trump’s senseless withdrawal from the World Health Organization, and commit the United States to multilateral efforts to combat the coronavirus pandemic.

That fundamental difference of approach may be most important when it comes to China, which is likely to pose the biggest foreign policy challenge of the coming years. Both Mr. Biden and Mr. Trump promise to “get tough” with Beijing and to combat its mercantilism, thefts of technology and expansive claims in the South China Sea. However, Mr. Biden’s approach would be values-based, not erratic and transactional. He would work with allies to confront China’s abusive behaviors while seeking cooperation where interests converge, such as on climate change and health security.

Mr. Biden’s foreign policy offers insight into his technology policy as well: He would stand up for this country’s belief in freedom and openness against the Chinese brand of surveillance authoritarianism, and he would fight to purge foreign interference by Russia and others in elections rather than deny such interference exists. Mr. Biden promises to take a tougher line on so-called Big Tech in antitrust enforcement than his predecessor — but he would do so based on law and evidence, not whim and favoritism.

Democracy is at risk, at home and around the world. The nation desperately needs a president who will respect its public servants; stand up for the rule of law; acknowledge Congress’s constitutional role; and work for the public good, not his private benefit.

Just as desperately, it needs a president with the know-how and experience to show that values and results can go together.

It is fortunate to have, in Joe Biden, a candidate who can lead an administration that is both honorable and successful.

 
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